The Challenge of Establishing the Historicity of the Islamic
Creed
Muslim traditionists credit Uthman
bin Affan, the third caliph (644 CE – 656 CE), with the collection of the Quran.
However, no copy of the Quran or a fragment from the Uthman days exists. The oldest
Quranic manuscript is thought to go back to about a century after Uthman, or
some 125 years after the death of the Prophet. Given the intense Intra-Muslim
political and religious strife during that period, the caliphs may have altered the
Quranic text in order to strengthen their hold on power. Similarly, given that the
Prophet’s Sunna and biography were written about two centuries after the death
of the Prophet, the
caliphs may have invented, eliminated, and altered prophetic traditions and
stories in order to fortify their rule. This article examines the events that render the traditionists' accounts implausible.
The Historicity of the Sunna
Following
the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 632 CE, the caliphs were faced with
different cultures and ways of life in the conquered lands of Roman Syria,
Iraq, and Egypt and of Persia from what Quranic law prescribed for the desert
Arabians. Of today’s 6,236 Quranic verses, less than 10% deal with legislative
matters, primarily on marriage, divorce, inheritance, and penal matters. The
rest deal with theology, rituals, Biblical tales, God’s supremacy, obedience, threats
etc.
To expand the
coverage of Islamic law the ulama succeeded by the end of the ninth century in
enshrining the Sunna traditions of the Prophet, His sayings (Hadith) and
actions (Sira), as a source of law equal to God’s word in the Quran, though the
Quran never made the Sunna a source of law. Indeed, the Quran is supposed to contain
all that mankind needs to know (6:38, 16:89). Moreover, the Prophet reportedly said: “Do
not write from me anything except the Quran and whoever has written anything
from me other than the Quran should erase it”[i].
Notwithstanding
the reported integrity of the Hadith’s collectors and the care they took to check
the credibility of the thousands of attributers and examine the authenticity of
the hundreds of thousands of traditions (isnad) that grew over two centuries it
remains impossible to be certain that every word and detail in the 34,400
Hadiths of the six Sunni canonical collections[ii] is genuine. What is known, however, is that during the intervening
ten generations four major intra-Muslim civil wars and numerous violent
rebellions (see below) rocked the nascent nation, in addition to seven state
capital cities (Medina, Kufa, Damascus, Hashimiyya, Baghdad, Samarra, Baghdad,
plus Gordova; the capital of the Umayyad caliphate in Spain). These events
spilled rivers of Muslim blood and divided Muslims into conflicting factions
and sects. Under such circumstances, attributors and the collectors had
financial, political, career, and personal interest in what they attributed to
the Prophet as saying or doing. Or, they might have simply forgotten what was said.
Further, the six
Sunni canonical collectors lived under Abbasid rule (750 CE – 1258 CE). The
Abbasid Hadith transmitters upon whom the six collectors relied were in turn
reliant on chains of transmitters who had lived for almost a hundred years
under the rule of the Umayyads (661 CE – 750 CE), the Abbasids great enemy.
Under such
conditions, the caliphs may have invented, eliminated, and altered traditions in
order to justify and fortify their hold on power.
In fact, Shi’ite
Muslims reject the six Sunni Hadith collections. They have their own[iii]. Shi’ite collections emphasize
the Prophet’s naming of Ali as his first successor, a claim disputed by the
Sunnis. Twelver Shi’ites, the majority of Shi’ites today, believe in the traditions
of the twelve Imams, not only those of the Prophet, as Sunnis do. Further, a
Shi’ite tradition must be transmitted through one of the Imams. Shi’ites
denounce the first three caliphs: Abu Bakr (632 CE – 634 CE), Omar (634 CE – 644
CE), and Uthman (644 CE – 656 CE) as usurpers of the caliphate from Ali (656 CE
– 661 CE). They also disqualify transmissions (isnads) by these caliphs and the
Companions of the Prophet who supported them.
The historicity of the Quran
The
historicity of the Quran is far from clear despite the neat constructions Muslim
traditionists built to explain why the revelations were made and, how, where,
and when the Quran was collected in addition to the myriad interpretations they
advanced in order to reconcile contradictory verses and clarify hundreds of
incomprehensible ones.
That
the third caliph, Uthman (644 CE – 656 CE), arranged for the Quran
to be collected is not supported by evidence.No copy of Uthman’s Quran exists today; thus, making it
impossible to connect today’s Quran to the Uthman days or to demonstrate that Uthman’s
Quran contained the identical 6,236 verses in the 114 chapters of today’s Quran.
The oldest
Quranic manuscripts and fragments extant are thought to belong to between the
later part of the first century hijri (early part of the eighth century CE) and
the early part of the second century hijri (middle to the latter part of the
eighth century CE)[iv],
or some 125 years after the death of the Prophet in 632 CE. The
following manuscripts are notable:
The Samarqand
Manuscript at the Tashkent’s State Library (Uzbekhistan)[v].
This manuscript is written in Kufic script without
diacritical marks and ornamentation. It covers approximately one third of the
Quran. Of the 353 folios, only 15 are complete, the rest are more or less
damaged and mended with paper.
The Al-Hussein
Mosque manuscript in Cairo, Egypt[vi].
Kufic script on parchment in dark-brown ink with sparse diacritical marks and
no ornamentation, it covers more than 99% of the text of the Quran. Certain
folios are restored by a later hand.
The Egyptian
National Library manuscript in Cairo, Egypt.[vii] Reminiscent of the Kufic script exhibited during the Umayyad period, this
manuscript is written on parchment with no vocalization and a very limited
amount of diacritical marks. There are line fillers to complete certain lines.
The Topkapi Museum Manuscript in Istanbul, Turkey[viii].
Kufic script. The letters contain vowel marks in the form of red dots. It could
be that some of the folios were rewritten and added later due to loss or
damage. It covers more than 99% of the text of the Quran.
The British
Museum manuscript in London[x]. Ma’il script, used around the Hijaz. The script varies in thickness and
size. Certain parts exhibit a different hand as compared with the script in
rest of the codex. It is extensively dotted perhaps by a later hand. It covers
53% of the total text of the Quran.
The Institute of Oriental Studies manuscript in St. Petersburg, Russia[xi]. Late Hijāzī script, thought
to belong to the second century hijri. It was written by two copyists.
Diacritical marks to distinguish the consonants are provided.
Except
for the manuscripts at the British Museum and in St. Petersburg the others are
written in the Kufic script. The Kufic script evolved and
used in the southern Iraqi city of Kufah in the eighth century (later part of
the first century hijri), not in Mecca and Medina a century earlier[xii].
The Kufic
script did not use dots. Without dots, 18 of the 28 letters in today’s Arabic
alphabet, which today’s Quran uses, become indistinguishable from one another.
Without dotting, the Arabic letter b becomes indistinguishable from t, th, and
n; the letter j from ha, and kh; the letter d from dh; the letter r from z; the
letter s from sh; the letter f, from k; etc…
Change the
position of the dot in an Arabic word and the meaning of the word changes. For
example, add three dots to the word sarab (mirage) and the word becomes sharab
(a drink). Add a dot to the first letter in the word Arab and the word becomes gharb (west). Remove the dot from the first letter in the Arabic word jabal (mountain) and the word becomes habl (rope), add a second dot to the
second letter in habl and the word
becomes hiyal (tricks), add a second
dot to the second letter in jabal and
the word becomes jeel (generation),
add a dot on top of the first letter in hiyal
and the word becomes khayl (horses).
In 1972, thousands of fragments of the Quran
were discovered during the restoration of the Great Mosque of Sana'a (Yemen).
The fragments represent approximately 22% of today’s Quran[xiii]. Analysis
by the two German scholars entrusted since 1981 with the Yemeni Quran project
suggests that “some of the parchment pages seemed to date back to the seventh
and eighth centuries, or Islam's first two centuries”[xiv]. Also, that some
of the fragments are at variance with today’s standard text and that new script had been written over earlier washed-off
versions. These
observations imply that the Quran had been an “evolving text”,
not the perfect, timeless, and unchanging word of God as revealed to the
Prophet in the seventh century CE.
The likelihood
is high that the process of evolving the dot-less Kufic script into the dotted
cursive naskhi script of today’s Quran could have caused words to be changed.
That today’s Quran is identical to Uthman’s Quran in
every word, dot, comma, and diacritical mark and that every
one of the 6,236 verses in the 114 chapters represent the immutable
word of God as revealed to the Prophet require
a great deal of faith to accept. Indeed, Shi’ite
Muslims charge that, “the Quran was mutilated by the suppression of much which
referred to Ali and the Prophet’s family”, a charge “founded on dogmatic
assumptions which hardly appeal to modern criticism”[xv].
During the first
150 years following the death of the Prophet four devastating intra-Muslim
civil wars and numerous smaller rebellions over authority rocked the nascent
Muslim polity. The first war was from 656 CE to 661 CE between Ali (the fourth
Caliph) and Muawiyah [the fifth Caliph and founder of the Umayyad dynasty in
Damascus (661 CE to 750 CE)]. As a prelude, a battle led by Aisha, the Prophet's widow, and Ali's loyalists took place in 656 CE in Basra, Iraq. The second war (680 CE – 692 CE) was during the caliphate
of Muawiyah’s four successors against another claimant of the caliphate,
Abdullah Bin Al-Zubair, who in 683 CE was recognized as a rival caliph to the
Umayyads in parts of Arabia, Egypt, Iraq, and Syria. This war saw Mecca
attacked by the Umayyads’ Syrian army in 682 CE and the holy Kaaba burned and its
sacred Black Stone broken. The second civil war ended with the killing of Ibn
Al-Zubair at Mecca in 692 CE. The third war culminated in 750 CE when the
Abbasids decimated the Umayyads in Damascus and established their empire in
Baghdad (750 CE – 1258 CE). The fourth war (811 CE – 813 CE) was between
Al-Amin and Al-Mamoun. It ended with the former getting killed and the later,
becoming the caliph (813 CE - 833 CE).
Additionally,
there was that cataclysmic event in 680 CE, which shook the foundations of
Islam and caused a permanent split between Shiites and Sunnis to this day;
namely, the rebellion and the resulting killing of Imam Hussain Bin Ali at
Karbala, Iraq.
The Quran,
an evolving text
Since
the Quranic manuscripts extant belong to the period of Islam’s intense
political and religious strife the caliphs may have altered the Quranic text in
order to enhance their hold on power.
The Mu’tazilite School of rational theology asserted that the
Quran was created. Mu’tazilisim, developed during the reign of the Umayyads, survived
for about two and a half centuries. It placed reason above revelation and proclaimed
man’s freewill. During Al-Mamoun caliphate (813 CE – 833 CE) Mu’tazilisim
became the official doctrine of the Abbasid state.
The
notion that the Quran is an evolving literary text finds support among serious
scholars. John Wansbrough, professor
of Semitic Studies at the University of London’s School of Oriental and African
Studies concluded that the Quran “was written down in the
third-century Hijri”,[xvi] and
that the Quranic text “evolved only
gradually in the seventh and eighth centuries, during
a long period of oral transmission when Jewish and Christian sects were arguing
volubly with one another well to the north of Mecca and Medina, in what are now
parts of Syria, Jordan, Israel, and Iraq”[xvii].
As to “the reason that no Islamic source material from the first century or so
of Islam has survived, Wansbrough reasoned that it never existed”[xviii].
Indeed, in 6:99, 6:141, 16:11, 24:35, 80:29, and 95:1, for example, the Quran addresses an audience as if it were familiar with abundance of water, grain, palm trees, dates, olive trees, olives, vine, grapes, figs, pomegranate, etc. Such an audience could not have possibly been living in arid Mecca and its environs. In fact, Mecca is not mentioned in the Quran at all, not once. The Quran refers once only, in 3.96, to a place called Bakka, which Muslim traditionists equated it to Mecca. And, the Quran does not tell us where Bakka is located. Is it in the Hijaz, in Najd, or outside Arabia altogether? Might Bakka have been located in today's Levant region, where olives, figs, grapes, and pomegranates grow aplenty?
Nasr Abu Zaid, professor of Arabic literature at Cairo University argued
that the Quran is “a text, a literary text, and
the only way to understand, explain, and analyze it is through a literaryapproach”[xix].
Taha Hussain, the doyen of Arabic Literature concluded
in his analysis of pre-Islamic Arabian poetry in 1926 that the Quran
should not be used as a source of history[xx].
Taha Hussein argued that the migration tale in the Quran of Abraham and
his son Ismail to Mecca and their construction of the Kaaba there was “some
kind of a trick” to use an ancient legend to “connect Jews with Arabs on one hand
and Islam with Judaism, and the Quran with the Torah, on the other hand” so
that “Quraish may ward off Roman, Persian, and Ethiopian political and
religious interference in Arabian lands”[xxi].
Further, Taha Hussein concluded that, “the great
majority of the poetry reputed to be pre-Islamic had been forged by Muslims of
a later date and has nothing to do with Jahiliyya poetry. Such poetry,
professor Hussein continues, is Islamic, representing the life of the Muslims,
their predilections and inclinations more than the life of the Jahilis[xxii].
Pre-Islamic Arabian culture and way of life
The word
jahiliyya means the age of ignorance. It appears in the Quran in 3:154, 5:50,
33:33, and 48:26. In order to contrast a dark pre-Islamic age with the enlightenment Islam brought, the
ulama promoted a terrible image of pre-Islamic beliefs, culture, values, and way of life. They indoctrinated generations into
believing that the pre-Islamic epoch was an age of polytheism, licentiousness,
adultery, polyandry, prostitution, girl-infanticide, gambling, drunkenness,
plundering, among other vulgarities.
A comparison, however, between Islam
and jahili culture and way of life suggests that Islam embraced jahili culture
and way of life, including the pilgrimage
to Mecca, belief
in djinn and angels, treatment of women, wine
drinking, slavery, and blind obedience to Muslim authority. Even Islam’s focus
on monotheism was not new.
Monotheism was well known to the
Jewish tribes of Medina, Fadak, and Khaybar and to Najran’s Christians and
Byzantine Syria. Christianity was also known in the Prophet’s own household in
Mecca. According to Sahih Al-Bukhari and Sahih Muslim, a cousin of the Prophet’s first wife
Khadija, Waraqa Bin Nofal, was a Christian to whom Khadija took Muhammad to
seek advice on her husband’s future divine mission[xxiii].
Although the pre-Islamic Arabs worshipped many deities, they recognized the
awesome powers of a supreme God, “Allah”[xxiv].
In naming their children, the pre-Islamic Arabs often preceded the name
of a preferred deity by the word Abd (slave, servant) as a sign of respect,
fear, or subservience. The name of the Prophet’s father was Abd Allah.
“When Khalid Bin Sinan’s daughter heard the Prophet reciting the
Al-Ikhlas Sura (Chapter 112), she said: ‘O Messenger of Allah, this is what my
father used to say.’ The Prophet did not contradict her and praised her
father”[xxv].
In making the first article of the
Islamic faith la ilaha illa Allah [there is no God (deity) but God], in
designating Allah as the only omnipotent God, Islam did not invent a new deity.
“Muhammad contended himself with ridding the heathen Allah of His ‘companions’
subjecting Him to a kind of dogmatic purification”[xxvi].
On rituals, “it is incontrovertible” that Islam took from the pagan
Arabs “an entire pre-Islamic ritual, previously steeped in paganism.”[xxvii] This ritual is the veneration of and the
pilgrimage to the Kaaba at Mecca. For the pre-Islamic Arabs, “the Kaaba was the
centre of worship where the Jahilis prayed and went round it seven times. The
Jahilis went on pilgrimage to the Kaaba once a year in Dhul-Hijja for a week,
and they performed the Waqfa on Mount Arafat”[xxviii]. The pre-Islamic pilgrims halted at
Muzdalifa, stayed at Mina, made seven runs between Safa and the Marwah Hills,
sacrificed animals, and shaved their heads. They performed the lesser
pilgrimage (umrah) outside the month of Dhul-Hijja. Islam adopted the entire
ritual.
Islam has also in common with the pre-Islamic Arabs their belief in
djinn. The pre-Islamic Arabs were “fully convinced,” in the existence of
shadowy, crafty, mischievous, even destructive beings called djinn.[xxix] Surat al-djinn (Chapter 72) is dedicated
to these spirits. Other parts of the Quran recognize djnn’s existence: “They
link Him with jinn by lineage” (37:158); that God created djinn from fire
(55:15), and that djinn’s end, like men’s, is to serve and worship God (51:56).
The Quran reveals also that God sent messengers to djinn and men (6:130), and
teaches that djinn may believe in God and His Holy Book: (72:1). Also, djinn
may be unbelievers (6:130). Djinn promised that they will not “associate in
worship any gods with our Lord” (72:2).
The Quran speaks in 41:14 as if the conception of angels had been known
and accepted by pagans: “They said, if our Lord had so pleased, He would
certainly have sent down angels.”
On the treatment of women, the ulama created a barbaric image of the
personal and family lives of the pre-Islamic Arabs, depicting them as
practitioners of, among others, unlimited polygamy and of treating women like
chattel. A closer look, however, shows that Islam allows unlimited polygamy and
treats women like chattel all the same. In allowing the Muslim male to marry
four wives simultaneously and, divorce any one of them at will without giving
cause, in giving the woman one-half the weight of the man in an Islamic court
of law in testimony and as a witness and in inheritance, in instituting for
Shi'ites the mut’a marriage (the man "marries" the woman for a
specific period of time and pays for her companionship), and for Sunnis the
misyar marriage (the man visits his misyar "wife" at her parents home
without financial obligation), Islam has allowed unlimited polygamy, sanctioned
adultery and reduced the woman to a piece of property.
By contrast, Khadija, the Prophet’s first wife, we are told, was the
best born in Quraish, a successful businesswoman of vast means. Khadija
employed young Muhammad and proposed marriage to him. He was 25 years old. She
was 40 years old and twice a widow. For their 25-year marriage, until Khadija
died in 620, the Prophet remained monogamous to her. In comparison with
Khadija, Aisha, whom the Prophet married after Khadija’s death, was a child of
nine years old. The Prophet was in his early fifties. She was one of nine
simultaneous wives of the Prophet when he died (for the extra five wives beyond
the allowed four God granted the Prophet in 33:50 a special dispensation). If
Khadija were the prototype of the pre-Islamic woman, then pre-Islamic women had
had superior rights to what Islam grants them today.
The pre-Islamic Arabs spoke of wine drinking and Islam promised the
pious and the devout “rivers of wine” in paradise (47:15) but prohibited wine
drinking on the Earth (2:219).
Islam institutionalized pre-Islamic
slavery. However, the Quran instructed that slaves should be treated humanely
(2:177) and their manumission (24:33) was made into a pious act.
Muslims share with the pre-Islamic Arabs the lunar calendar[xxx].
Taha Hussein again: “No, the jahilis
were neither ignorant nor stupid, they were not rough and did not live
primitively; rather, they were people of knowledge and intelligence, of
sensitivity, delicate emotions, refinement, and affluent living conditions”[xxxi].
Monotheism and blind obedience
Islam shares in common with desert living a culture of blind obedience
to hierarchical authority. In the scorching sun and
with the meager resources of desert living, disobedience and strife can cause
the loss of scarce water and staples, and can even lead to death. The Prophet, being a product of desert
living, incorporated blind obedience to authority in the Islamic Creed.
God orders in 4:59: “Obey God and obey
God’s messenger and obey those of authority among you.” Similar wording occurs
twenty times in the Quran. The effect of 4:59 transcends all layers of hierarchical
authority—the male over the female, the father over the children and wife (or
wives), the teacher over the student, the employer over the employee, the ruler
over the ruled, and so forth.
Traditions attributed
to the Prophet amplify 4:59. Answering how a Muslim should react to a ruler who
does not follow the true guidance, the Prophet is reported to have said,
according to Sahih Muslim:
“He who obeys me obeys God; he who disobeys me, disobeys God. He who obeys the
ruler, obeys me; he who disobeys the ruler, disobeys me”[xxxii].
Such wording or its equivalent occurs two dozen times in Sahih Muslim. As
to emphasize the point, Abi Dawood and Ibn Maja quoted the Prophet as imploring
Muslims to hear and obey their ruler, even if he were an Ethiopian slave[xxxiii].
Al-Bukhari quotes similar sayings[xxxiv].
Monotheism
helped the development of obedience culture along. Monotheism transferred in
one swoop all the powers that had been the preserve of the many gods of the
pre-Islamic polytheist Arabs into the hands of the one and only omnipotent god,
Allah. As the Messenger of Allah, the
Prophet’s authority became rooted in Allah’s unlimited and absolute powers.
The historicity of
the Prophet’s biography
Stories
about the Prophet’s life reported by the early biographers and followed by
later historians present a challenge as well[xxxv].
Stories
in Muhammad Bin Ishaq’s (704 CE – 761 CE) Sirat Rasul Allah (the life of
the Messenger of God), the earliest and the most widely quoted biography of the
Prophet, raises serious questions[xxxvi].
Ibn Ishaq’s original work was lost. There is no surviving copy of his original
manuscript. Ibn Ishaq’s work is known in the recension of Abu Muhammad Abd
Al-Malik Bin Hisham (d. 813 CE).
Muhammad Bin
Ishaq’s scholarly integrity has come under attack by important contemporaries
and later scholars. The early traditionist and jurist, Malik, impugned the
veracity of Muhammad Bin Ishaq’s sources in general, rejected his approach, and
called him unequivocally “a liar” and “an impostor”[xxxvii]. Ibn Ishaq’s
uncritical inclusion in his Sirat of spurious or forged poetry, used to
construct how life was, as told by the poet, has drawn criticism. Among those
who criticized the Sirat was Ibn
Sallam Al-Jumahi (756 CE – 845 CE), an early critic of poetry. Al-Jumahi
described Ibn Ishaq as a “kind of archivist or undiscerning compiler of
folklore”[xxxviii]. Ibn
Al-Nadim (d. 1010 CE) writes on Ibn Ishaq, “It is said that poems used to be
forged and brought to him with a request to include them in his book on the Sirat.
He did so, and thus included in his book such poetry as made him a scandal
among rhapsodists”[xxxix]. Yacout (d.
1229 CE), in his biography of Ibn Ishaq, writes, “Poems were forged for
Muhammad Bin Ishaq which he included in the books on Maghazi, so that he became
a scandal among narrators and rhapsodists[xl].
In Ibn
Ishaq’s defense, however, it must be said that he frequently preceded his
stories by writing; “as I was told,” or “X has alleged,” or “A, B, and C have
alleged,” or “God knows what really happened,” or “only God knows whether a
particular statement is true or false.” On the other hand, his inclusions have
in many ways shaped how the Muslim generations grew to see their religion and
themselves.
A Dangerous Path
The
challenge of establishing the historicity of the Islamic creed is formidable.
What makes the task even more daunting is the danger facing whoever questions
Islamic dogma in Muslim countries; the Arab world in particular. Here are some
examples:
In 1925, Ali Abd Al-Razik,
an Al-Azhar scholar, contended in a short book entitled Al-Islam Wa-Usul
Al-Hukm (Islam and the Principles of Political Authority) that Islam
is not concerned with the system of government, which is a secular affair, and
that the caliphate is not an intrinsic religious element in Islam. The book
created a sensation and was immediately banned and vigorously condemned byAl-Azhar.
In 1926, three complaints were filed with Egypt’s
chief prosecutor against Taha Hussein.
He was condemned as a “heretic” by Al-Azhar’s ulama and other Islamic scholars,
and by Egyptian parliamentarians for his book On Jahiliyya Poetry (see
above). The chief prosecutor found on March 30, 1927 that what Taha Hussein
wrote was the opinion of an academic researcher without a deliberate criminal
intent to denigrate Islam. However, Taha Hussein was demoted in March 1932 from
Dean of the Faculty of Letters at the Egyptian University to the post of
Supervisor of Elementary Education.
In 1993, invoking Egypt’s hisba law, Islamist
lawyers asked the courts to rule that Nasr Abu Zeid (see above)
was an apostate. The petitioners argued that, as an apostate, Abu Zeid should
not be allowed to remain married to a Muslim woman in a Muslim country. The
petitioners demanded that Professor Abu Zeid be forced to divorce his wife. An
appellate court in June 1995 gave the plaintiffs standing to pursue their suit,
after a lower court threw out the suit. In August 1995, the Court of Cassation,
Egypt’s highest court of appeal, supported the ruling against Abu Zeid.
Professor Abu Zeid and his wife fled Egypt.
In May 2003, a Jordanian court sentenced a poet,
Mousa Hawamdah,
to three months in jail after convicting him of “insulting religious feeling”
in two poems in 1999[xli].
In March 2004, a Saudi court
sentenced a teacher accused of criticizing Islam to three years in jail, 300
lashes, and banned him from teaching and writing in newspapers[xlii]. In November 2005, a Saudi court sentenced a
teacher, Mohammed Al-Harbi,
to 750 lashes and forty months in prison for promoting “dubious ideologies”[xliii]. Also in Saudi Arabia, on March 14,
2008, Abdul-Rahman Al-Barrak, a leading Saudi cleric, issued a fatwa that two
Saudi writers should be tried for apostasy for their “heretical articles” and
put to death if they do not repent. Barrak was responding to recent articles in Al-Riyadh newspaper that questioned the Sunni view that Christians and
Jews should be considered unbelievers[xliv].
In Sudan, an article considered offensive to the
Prophet in the Al-Wifaq newspaper in 2005 led a Sudanese court to close
the publication for three months. On August 6, 2006, Al-Wifaq’s
editor was decapitated by Islamists [xlv].
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[i] Azami, Muhammad Mustafa, Studies in Hadith Methodology and Literature
(Indianapolis, IN: American Trust Publications, 1977), p. 28.
[ii] Al-Bukhari (d.
870 CE) quoted 7,400 traditions, Muslim (d. 875 CE); 7,600, Ibn Maja (d. 886
CE); 4,300, Abi Dawood (d. 888 CE); 5,300, Al-Tirmithi (d. 892 CE); 4,000, and
Al-Nasai (d. 915 CE); 5,800.
[iii] Twelver Shi’ites
assembled four of their own canonical Hadith collections assembled by
three authors: Al-Kulayni (d. 939 CE), Bin Babouya (d. 991 CE), and Al-Tusi (d. 1067 CE), who wrote two
collections. Additionally, three other authors during the 1600s produced highly
regarded Shi’ite collections: Bin Murtada (d. 1680 CE), Bin Hasan (d. 1692 CE),
and Majlisi (d. 1699 CE).
[iv] The hijri year
starts with the Prophet’s migration from Mecca to Medina in 622 CE. The year
2012 corresponds to the hijri years 1433–1434.
[xii] Martin Lings and
Yasin Hamid Safadi, The Qur’an, 1976, pp. 12-13, 17.
[xiv] Toby Lester,What Is the Koran? The Atlantic Monthly, January 1999:
[xv] Watt and Bell, Introduction to the Quran, Edinburgh University Press, 1997, p. 51.
[xvi] John
Wansbrough, Quranic Studies.
Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation. Forward, Translations, and
Expanded Notes by Andrew Rippon, Amherst, New York: Prometheus Books,
2004, p. xiv.
[xvii] Tobey Lester,What is the Kuran?
[xx] Taha Hussein, On Jahiliyya Poetry, with an introduction
by Dr. A .M. Talima, Al-Nahr Publishing, Cairo, Egypt, p. 32.
[xxiii] The Six Books, Dar
Al-Salam for Publishing and Distribution, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, Sahih Al-Bukhari,
tradition 3, p. 1 and Sahih
Muslim, tradition 403, pp. 704-705.
[xxiv] In 29:61, if you asked “. . . Who created
the heavens and the earth and set the sun and the moon to work, they will
certainly reply, Allah.”
In 29:63, if you asked “. . . Who sends down rain from
the sky and gives life to the earth after its death they will reply Allah.”
In 39:3: “Those who take for protectors other than
Allah say: we only serve them in order that they may bring us nearer to Allah.”
[xxv] Abdullah, A. Y. Al-Udhari, 1991, Jahili
Poetry Before Imru Al-Qais, Ph.D dissertation, School of Oriental and African Studies, London
University, p. 73.
[xxvi] Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics,
s.v. Arabs (Ancient).
[xxvii] Encyclopedia
of Islam, New Edition,
s.v. Kaaba
[xxix] Watt and Bell, Introduction to the Quran, Edinburgh University Press, 1977, p. 153.
[xxx] Philip Hitti, History of the Arabs, Tenth Edition, MacMillan Press Ltd., London, 1970, p. 94.
[xxxi] Taha Hussein, On Jahiliyya Literature, 16th
Edition, Dar Al-Maarif, 1927, p. 74.
[xxxii] The Six Books, Sahih Muslim, traditions 4746 to 4763,
pp. 1007-1008 and traditions 4782 to 4793, pp. 1009-1010.
[xxxiii] According to Abi Dawood, ibid., Sunan Abi Dawood, tradition 4607, p. 1561; and to Ibn Maja, ibid., Sunan Ibn Maja, tradition 42, p. 2479.
[xxxiv] Ibid., Sahih
Al-Bukhari, traditions 7137 and 7142, p. 595.
[xxxv] Uri Rubin, The Eye of the Beholder. The Life of
Muhammad as Viewed by the Early Muslims. A Textual Analysis, Princeton,
New Jersey, The Darwin Press, Inc., 1995.
Also, see: Fred M. Donner, Narratives
of Islamic Origin: The Beginnings of Islamic Historical Writing,
Princeton, New Jersey, The Darwin Press, Inc., 1998.
[xxxvi] Anthony Guillaume, The Life of Muhammad: A Translation
of Ibn Ishaq’s Sirat Rasul Allah, Nineteenth Impression, Oxford University
Press, 2006.
[xxxvii] W. N. Arafat,
“New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (1976):100-107.
[xxxviii] Rina Drory, “The Abbasid Construction of the Jahiliyya: Cultural Authority in the
Making,” Studia Islamica, Department of Arabic Language and Literature,
Tel Aviv University, (1966): 33-49. Also, see the introduction written by
Abdulmonem Talima to On Jahiliyya Poetry, by Taha Hussein (1995), 4.
[xxxix] W. N. Arafat, “Early Critics of the Poetry of the Sira”, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,
Vol. XXI, part 3, (1956): 453-463.
[xli] Al-Hayat Newspaper (Lebanon), May 9, 2003.
[xlii] Arab News Newspaper (Saudi Arabia), March 13, 2004.
[xlv] Arab News (Saudi Arabia), “Kidnapped Sudanese
Journalist Found Dead,” August 7, 2006.
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