How Nouri al-Maliki Midwifed the Birth of the
So-Called Islamic State
Nouri al-Maliki,
spent more than two decades in Iran and Syria before the US occupation in 2003. Maliki, a hardline
pro-Iran activist of the Da’wa Islamic Party, was approved as Iraq’s first full-term
prime minister by the Iraqi parliament in May 20, 2006.[1] To
demonstrate US approval and bolster Maliki, President G.W. Bush visited Maliki in
Baghdad a month later.[2] Maliki was approved for a second term as prime minister on December 22, 2010. He was forced out of office on September 8, 2014, despite his and Iran's insistence on a third term. President Obama tolerated Maliki’s
extreme sectarianism, ignored his divisiveness, and failed to stop his abuse of Iraq's Sunnis, which ultimately gave birth to
the so-called Islamic State.
The Islamic Da’wa Party
(IDP) was founded in 1958 by the eminent scholar and philosopher, the Grand
Ayatollah Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr. Muqtada al-Sadr is his nephew and son-in-law.
Da’wa is the oldest Shi’ite political party in Iraq. It aims to establish a
theocratic state. The word Da’wa in the name describes its mission: converting
non-Muslims and non-Shi’ite Muslims to Shi’ism, in other words, proselytization.
Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr was executed, along with his
sister, Bint al-Huda, by Saddam Hussein’s regime in April
1980. The executions followed a series of violent acts by Da’wa Party activists
against senior government officials. Also, they might have been intended to
thwart Iran’s attempts to export the 1979 Khomeini revolution to Iraq. Khomeini lived in exile in Najaf from September 5, 1965 until the
Iraqi government deported him on October 3, 1978.[3] Khomeini
and Baqir al-Sadr were colleagues at the Najaf seminary where Khomeini taught
Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and refined his thoughts on the concept of wilayat
al-faqih.
Al-Sadr envisioned a generation of revolutionaries who
would one day seize power to establish a Shi’ite state. In his book in 1975, Islamic
Political System, he formulated IDP’s political ideology in four
principles:
- Absolute sovereignty belongs to Allah.
- Shari’a law is the basis of legislation. The
legislative authority may enact any law not in contravention of Islam.
- The people, as vice-regents of Allah, are entrusted
with legislative and executive powers.
- The Jurist holding the highest religious authority is
Islam’s representative. By confirming legislative and executive actions, he
gives them legality.[4]
Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr essentially constructed
what later became known as wilayat
al-faqih, or the rulership of the
senior-most specialist in Islamic jurisprudence, as the basis for future
Shi’ite governance.
IDP represents a radical departure from the
culture of political quietism that has traditionally characterized the Shi’ite
ulama. In 1979, four years after the publication of al-Sadr’s book, the
Khomeini wilayat al-faqih revolution in Iran was born.
The Islamic Da’wa Party received substantial
support from the Khomeini regime. It is believed that exiled Da’wa Party
activists in Iran, Lebanon, and Syria helped Iran create Hezbollah (Party of
God) in Lebanon in 1984.[5]
Hezbollah is an Iranian proxy, whose senior leaders are closely linked to
Tehran.
Maliki Usurped the 2010
Elections While Obama Watched
Maliki was approved for a second term as prime minister on December 22,
2010, this time after nine months of haggling and confusion. He refused to
recognize the results of the March 7, 2010 parliamentary elections. His list,
State of Law, won 89 seats in the 325-seat parliament, two seats less than the
91 seats won by his arch rival, the secular Iyad Allawi’s list, Iraqiya. Iran
had adamantly refused to allow Allawi to become prime minister. A vote recount involving
2.5 million ballots in Baghdad reaffirmed the original result.[6]
Nonetheless, under pressure from Maliki, an Iraqi judge
allowed him to form a government. According to Emma Sky, chief political
adviser to General Raymond Odierno, who commanded US forces in Iraq, American
officials knew this violated Iraq’s constitution. But, they never publicly
challenged Maliki’s power grab, which was backed by Iran.[7] A few months before the 2010 elections
in Iraq, according to the New Yorker
magazine, “American diplomats in Iraq sent a rare dissenting cable to
Washington, complaining that the US, with its combination of support and
indifference, was encouraging Maliki’s authoritarian tendencies.”[8] Obama ignored the complaint. The Maliki/Allawi affair took place
while the P5+1 nuclear negotiation was in progress. In taking Maliki’s side, Obama
was consistent in his strategy to empower Iran.
Finally, it was pressure from Iran on Muqtada
al-Sadr that made possible the return of his old arch enemy, Maliki,[9] to head the cabinet. At that time, Sadr had
been living in Iran for about four years (early 2007-January 5, 2011) in a
self-imposed exile, after the US army wanted him dead or alive.[10] Sadr
delivered his bloc of 39 seats in the 2010 parliament in return for eight
ministries in Maliki’s cabinet.[11] He
returned to Iraq two weeks after Maliki became prime minister.[12]
Maliki’s Sectarianism
A sectarian divisive figure, Maliki
failed the political reconciliation test. On August 1, 2007, the main Sunni
bloc the Iraq Accord Front, pulled out its five ministers from the Maliki
cabinet.[13] A week
earlier, five Shi’ite ministers loyal to former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi
began a boycott, and the six Shi’ite ministers of Muqtada al-Sadr’s bloc
withdrew earlier.[14]
On September 15, 2007, Muqtada al-Sadr withdrew his parliamentarians from the
governing Shi’ite grouping.[15] In all,
nearly half of the al-Maliki cabinet, or, at least seventeen ministries, became
empty.
On August 16, 2007, a new parliamentary alliance was made
up of two Shi’ite parties, the Da’wa Party and SCIRI, and two Kurdish parties.[16] The new
alliance excluded the Arab Sunnis. Adnan al-Dulaimi, leader of the Iraq Accord
Front, criticized Maliki and Iran. In an email to the Associated Press, Dulaimi
wrote that there was against Sunnis, “An unprecedented genocide campaign by the
militias and death squads that are directed, armed and supported by Iran.”[17] Maliki’s
sectarian and corrupt reign was described aptly in Foreign Policy:
The
security sector, which had an annual budget greater than the budgets for
education, health, and the environment combined, was subject to minimal
oversight. Soldiers were enrolled and paid monthly salaries without reporting
for duty. Overpriced and faulty equipment was procured using the laxest [sic]
standards. Training sessions were financed on paper but never took place in
practice. Appointments were politicized. Officers close to the prime minister’s
office who failed to investigate leads on terrorist attacks were almost never
held accountable for their actions. Even the most grotesque failures, including
the military’s passivity in the face of regular attacks against Christians in
Nineveh over a period of years, went unpunished. Morale among the rank
and file was low, and there was very little desire to take risks on behalf of
political elites who were viewed as wildly corrupt.[18]
The Awakening Forces
In early 2007, American forces in
Iraq were increased by 27,000 soldiers. The increase was known as the “surge.” General
David Petraeus was made US commander of Multi-National Force in Iraq. Concurrently with the surge, Petraeus
pursued a new tactic—training and arming about 100,000 Sunni tribesmen in the
Anbar province, extending to Salaheddin, Diyala, Nineveh, and Tamim Provinces.
Named Sah’wa (Awakening) Councils Forces, many were former soldiers in Saddam
Hussein’s military and members of the ruling Ba’th Party. As a result of the
previous disbanding of the military and the Ba’th party in May 2003 by Paul
Bremer, many of the 400,000 men who had suddenly become jobless joined
al-Qaeda, not only to fight the US occupation, but also to feed their families.
Awakening fighters were paid by Petraeus US $300 per month each. They switched
sides from fighting alongside al-Qaeda against US forces and Iraqi government
Shi’ite troops (plus the militias of the Badr Brigade and the Mahdi Army) to
instead fight against their old al-Qaeda compatriots.[19]
Within a few months, the Awakening forces had reduced the level of
violence considerably. In the Report
to Congress dated September 26, 2008, Measuring
Stability and Security in Iraq, it was stated that “Civilian deaths across Iraq have
declined dramatically. During this reporting period, according to Coalition and
Iraqi reports, there were 77 percent fewer deaths than during the same period
one year ago.”[20]
The decline in violence was not entirely due
to the Awakening project. The success was made possible through the cooperation
of Iran. Tehran’s interest in calming matters down in Iraq during the remaining few month of the Bush
administration’s term in office was designed to deflect a possible attack by
the US over the Iran’s nuclear program. In October 2007, US military officials
began noticing a decrease in the supply of Iranian weapons and assistance.
Spokesman Col. Steven Boylan said General Petraeus observes that Iran is
following through on promises it made to Iraqi and US officials not to provide
aid to extremists in Iraq, adding, “we are ready to confirm the excellence of
the senior Iranian leadership in their pledge to stop the funding, training,
equipment and resourcing of the militia special groups.”[21] In a
related development, on August 29, 2007, Muqtada al-Sadr suddenly ordered his
Mahdi Army militia to suspend all acts of violence for six months and on
February 23, 2008, Sadr extended the cease-fire for six additional months.[22]
US
pressure made the Iraqi government agree to pay the salaries of the Awakening
fighters[23] and to
absorb up to 20 percent of the fighters into the Iraqi security forces, with
others to be given government jobs.[24]
However, the Maliki government reduced the monthly salary to $250 and
absorption of Awakening fighters into the security forces was well below 20
percent. Maj. Gen. Mike Ferriter, deputy operations commander of the
American-led forces, conceded at a press briefing that in the past year (2008),
only 5,000 fighters had been integrated into the Iraqi security forces, mostly
in the police. That was well short of Maliki’s pledge of 20,000 fighters.[25]
Maliki’s intention to dismantle the Awakening project
became public knowledge. Defense Minister Abdul-Qadir al-Obaidi said at a news
conference, “We completely, absolutely reject the Awakening becoming a third
military organization ... The groups would also not be allowed to have any
infrastructure, such as a headquarters building, that would give them long-term
legitimacy.”[26]
Christopher Hill, US ambassador in Baghdad between 2009 and 2010 recalled how
Maliki resisted paying Sunni Awakening fighters and how he doubted the entire
project, “I had to go to him, sometimes on a weekly basis, just to make sure
the check was indeed in the mail ... Just looking at his body language, he
didn't believe in the whole venture ... Nothing was squared away in 2007.”[27] Sheikh
Awad al-Harbousi, who lost a son, a father and four other relatives to
al-Qaeda, said, “The Iraqi Army considers us members of al-Qaeda, not Awakening
Council leaders. We sacrificed to kick out al-Qaeda, and this is their
thank-you?”[28]
As
long as US forces were in Iraq, Maliki camouflaged his true sectarian spots. Immediately
after US forces left Iraq on December 18, 2011, he embarked upon an aggressive
program of marginalization of Sunnis. The next day, on December 19, 2011,
Maliki ordered the arrest of Iraq’s Sunni vice president, Tariq al-Hashimi. He
accused Hashimi of running a death squad that assassinated Shiite officials.[29] Hashimi
was sentenced to death in absentia
on September 9, 2012. He had
fled first to the largely autonomous Kurdish north, and from there to Qatar and
on to Turkey.[30]
In public remarks after a meeting on
December 12, 2011 with Maliki at the White House, Obama praised Maliki for
leading “Iraq’s most inclusive government yet.” Iraq’s Sunni Deputy Prime
Minister, Saleh al-Mutlaq, told CNN
he was “shocked” by the president’s comments. “There will be a day,” he
predicted, “whereby the Americans will realize that they were deceived by
al-Maliki … and they will regret that.”[31]
Six senators sent the White
House a letter before Maliki visited with Obama on November 1, 2013 warning
that, “by too often pursuing a sectarian and authoritarian agenda, Prime
Minister Maliki and his allies are disenfranchising Sunni Iraqis … This failure
of governance is driving many Sunni Iraqis into the arms of Al-Qaeda.”[32]
The Fall of Mosul to the So-Called Islamic State
Maliki filled Iraq’s reconstituted
army, disbanded in May 2003 by Paul Bremmer, with Shi’ite officers short on
ability and professionalism, but long on loyalty to himself. Corruption became
the glue that kept the Maliki regime together. On June 10, 2014, two and a half
years after US troops left Iraq, about 1,000 lightly armed men from the so-called
Islamic State in Iraq and al-Sham (ISIS) riding in Toyota pick-ups forced
30,000 Maliki soldiers with tanks, helicopters, and heavy guns to flee the city
of Mosul, Iraq’s second largest city of two million inhabitants.[33] The
sectarian genie released by the American occupation starting in 2003, nurtured
by eight years of Maliki’s sectarianism and corruption, meant that his armed
forces demonstrated little military prowess, discipline, or professionalism.
The Sunni soldiers did not want to risk their lives for Maliki’s crooked
government. The Shi’ite soldiers did not want to risk their lives to defend
Mosul’s Sunni citizens.
A just and fair-minded prime minister was needed for
reconciliation and protection of the rights of all citizens, but Maliki’s pro-Iran
policies and extreme sectarianism stood in the way. In reaction, Awakening’s
tribesmen re-embraced al-Qaeda as if the Awakening project had never happened.
In the
April 30, 2014 election, the Maliki List won comfortably. However, the fall of
Falluja to ISIS in January 2014 and the calamitous fall of Mosul in June 2014
led to sharp criticism by both Iraqi political leaders and Washington of the
Maliki years that had led to the Mosul disaster. A member of the Islamic Da’wa
Party since 1967, Haidar al-Abadi was the Da’wa Party’s coordinator in the UK
since 1977. He replaced Maliki to the premiership on September 8, 2014, despite
Maliki and Iran’s vehement objection and insistence on a third term for Maliki.
Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani was instrumental in forcing Maliki out of the
premiership. The US supported the removal of Maliki as well. Abadi’s task was
to recover Mosul, end Maliki’s years of sectarianism and divisiveness, and
bring about national reconciliation.
When Obama entered the
White House on January 20, 2008, he inherited a momentum of improving security
in Iraq and a narrowing of the Shi’ite Sunni divide. Obama squandered a great opportunity
to build on the fruits of the Awakening project. Instead, he tolerated Maliki’s
extreme sectarianism, ignored his divisiveness, empowered Iran, and failed to stop him from breeding
the so-called Islamic State.
[1] “Maliki Endorsed as New Iraqi
PM,” BBC, (April22, 2004).
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/4933026.stm
[2] Jonathan Finer and Michael Abramowitz, “In Baghdad, Bush Pledges Support to Iraqi Leader,” Washington Post, (June 14, 2006).
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/06/13/AR2006061300432.html
[3] Iran Chamber Society, Ayatollah Khomeini,
http://www.iranchamber.com/history/rkhomeini/ayatollah_khomeini.php
[4] Rodger
Shanahan, “The Islamic Da’wa
Party: Past Development and Future Prospects,” Middle East Review of International Affairs Journal
(MERIA) 8, no 2, (June 2004).
http://www.rubincenter.org/2004/06/shanahan-2004-06-02/
[5] Juan Cole, “Saving Iraq: Mission Impossible,” Salon, (May 11, 2006).
https://www.salon.com/2006/05/11/maliki_4/
[6] Khalid Al-Ansary, “Iraq Election Recount Over, No Fraud Found,” Reuters, (May 14, 2010).
http://www.reuters.com/article/us-iraq-election-idUSTRE64D3Y220100514
[7] Peter Beinart, “Obama’s Disastrous Iraq Policy: An Autopsy,” The Atlantic, (July 23, 2014).
[9] In March 2008, Muqtada led a civil disobedience movement to
protest arrests of his followers by Maliki. Bitter fighting between Maliki’s
security forces and supporters of Muqtada’s militia in the southern city of
Basra spread to several Baghdad districts.
“Peaceful Iraq Protests Spark Clashes, 50
Reported Dead,” CNN, (March 25,2008).
http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/meast/03/25/iraq.main/index.html
[10] Patrick Cockburn,
“The Secret US Plot to Kill Sadr,” Counterpunch, (May 21, 2007).
https://www.counterpunch.org/2007/05/21/the-secret-us-plot-to-kill-sadr/
[11] Charles
McDermid with Nizar Latif, “Iraq: Preparing
for the Return of Moqtada al-Sadr,” Time,
(December 20, 2010).
http://content.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2037986,00.html
[12] Khalid Farhan, “U.S. foe, Sadr, returns to
Iraq after exile,” Reuters, (January
11, 2007).
https://uk.reuters.com/article/uk-iraq-politics-sadr/u-s-foe-sadr-returns-to-iraq-after-exile-idUKTRE7042M820110105
[13] Mariam Karouny and Peter Graff, “Sunni bloc quits as bombs kill over 70,” Reuters, (August 1, 2007).
https://www.reuters.com/article/us-iraq/sunni-bloc-quits-as-bombs-kill-over-70-idUSYAT71336220070801?src=080107_1109_TOPSTORY_dozens_dead_in_iraq
[14] “Iraqi
PM calls for crisis summit,” BBC,
(August 12, 2007).
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/6943120.stm
[15] “Sadr Group Quits
Iraq Ruling Bloc,” BBC, (September
15, 2007).
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/6996942.stm
[16] “Iraqi Leaders Form New Alliance,” BBC,
(August 16, 2007).
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/6949890.stm
[17] “Iraqi PM calls for Crisis Summit,” BBC,
[18] Zaid Al-Ali, “How Maliki Ruined
Iraq,” Foreign Policy, (June 19,
2014).
http://foreignpolicy.com/2014/06/19/how-maliki-ruined-iraq/
[19] “Q&A: Iraq's Awakening Councils,” BBC, (July 18, 2010).
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-10677623
[20] Department of Defense, Report to Congress, “Measuring Stability and Security in Iraq,” (September 26, 2008).
http://archive.defense.gov/news/d20080930iraq.pdf
[21] Sara A. Carter, “Iran No Longer Aids Iraq Militants,” Washington
Times, (January 3, 2008).
http://www.washingtontimes.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20080103/NATION/498097125/1001
[22] Sudarsan Raghavan
and Amit R. Paley, “Sadr Extends Truce In Iraq. U.S. Officials Hail Cleric's
Decision,” Washington Post, (February 23, 2008).
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2008/02/22/AR2008022200495.html?nav=rss_world
[23] Liz Sly, “Iraq Plans to Cut Sunni Fighters' Salaries,” Chicago Tribune, (November 3, 2008).
http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2008-11-03/news/0811020469_1_awakening-leader-sunni-awakening-awakening-members
[25] Rod Norland and Alissa Rubin, “Sunni
Fighters Say Iraq Didn’t Keep Job Promises,” The New York Times, (March 24, 2009).
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/03/24/world/middleeast/24sunni.html
[26] Diaa Hadid, “Iraq Defense
Minister: Disband Sunni Allies,” ABC
News, (December 22, 2007).
http://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory?id=4043559
[27] Warren Strobel, Missy Ryan, David Rohde, and Ned Parker, “Special
Report: How Iraq's Maliki Defined Limits of US Power,” Reuters, (June 30, 2014).
http://uk.reuters.com/article/us-iraq-security-maliki-specialreport-idUKKBN0F51HK20140630
[28] Rod Norland and Alissa Rubin, “Sunni
Fighters Say Iraq Didn’t Keep Job Promises.”
[29] Jack Healy, “Arrest Order for
Sunni Leader in Iraq Opens New Rift,” The New York Times, (December
19, 2011).
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/20/world/middleeast/iraqi-government-accuses-top-official-in-assassinations.html
[30] “Iraq VP Tariq al-Hashemi
Sentenced to Death,” BBC, (September 9, 2012).
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-19537301
[31] Peter Beinart, “Obama’s Disastrous Iraq Policy: An Autopsy,” The Atlantic, (July 23, 2014).
[33] “Mosul: Iraq's beleaguered second city,” BBC, (October 18, 2016).
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-37676731
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